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A community-based study on
induced abortions: some unanswered questions In their article on community-based research on
induced abortion, Ganatra and Hirve (1) provide a candid documentation of the
many ethical dilemmas confronting those engaged in research on sensitive issues
related to reproductive and sexual health and rights. The effort made by
researchers to ensure adherence to ethical norms is indeed commendable and
exemplary. There are, however, a number of questions that remained unanswered in
the article. We raise these below, mainly with a view to understand better the
reasons why certain procedures and processes were adopted, so that these may be
emulated by future research studies on abortion. 1. What were the research questions? Paragraph
2 of the article (Our own ….. socio-cultural context) suggests that the research
questions were as follows: 2. Where and how do rural women access abortion
services? What are the factors influencing women's access to
abortion services? How unequally is access to services distributed across
different population groups (by marital status, parity, age, class, rural/urban
residence, nature of health facility accessed, etc.)? How are women's choices of where to access abortion
services modified by their socio-cultural context? If these were indeed the research questions, then
the need to use a case-identification method is not clear. For example, answers
to questions 1 and 3 could well be gathered through focus group discussions and
in-depth interviews with key informants. Gathering case studies of detailed
reproductive histories of women representing different population groups would
provide insights into a range of factors that influence women's access to
abortion services. Information on sensitive issues like places from which single
women access induced abortion services may be had from key informants such as
traditional midwives and medical practitioners and paramedical workers servicing
the area. Reproductive health surveys of women of reproductive ages could also
have achieved this end (see point 4 ). In all these cases, there would be no need to
identify specific persons and hence, elaborate procedures to mask users of
abortion services could have been avoided entirely. And we would still be in a
position to answer many of the questions we started with. Since the research included a three-month period to
gauge the sensitivity to stigmatisation and did identify different levels of
stigmatisation corresponding to different sub-groups of abortion-seekers, one
wonders if it may not have been possible to document case-studies from each of
these. This would have helped understand issues related to access to safe
abortion services for these different groups. 2. Cases identified through clinic-based providers
were enrolled prospectively. The power equations between a medical professional
and rural women being heavily tilted in favour of the former, is it not likely
that some women gave consent believing this is what was expected of them, and
owing to reluctance to offend the service provider? 3. The role of community-based 'informants' is not
clear. Did they provide information on 'cases'? Would this not represent breach
of confidentiality? Why was it so important to identify women who had recently
undergone abortions through third-party informants? Since the researchers have
carefully considered this issue, it is possible that their decision was based on
the assessment that the 'benefits' of this potential breach of confidentiality
outweighed the 'costs'. However, why they reached this conclusion is not very
clear from the article. 4. The researchers note that 'for most married
women who had undergone an abortion with the knowledge and support of her
husband, the issue was neither overly sensitive nor stigmatising' ( para 5).
This is no doubt an accurate observation. So the question is, why not carry out
a general reproductive health survey covering all women of reproductive ages
(designed to capture an adequate sample of induced abortions, based on an
estimated induced abortion rate) in which women report their induced abortions
and answer open-ended questions pertaining to where these were accessed, how
they made their decisions and so on? In fact, this is what appears to have been
done even with the knowledge that a woman had undergone induced abortion (para
1-2, p.8). 5. Data were collected prospectively and
retrospectively; in the clinic setting and in the community setting, from women
who could not choose to deny their induced abortion (because this information
was obtained from the person who provided them these services), and those who
could choose to do so. These two sets of data may not be comparable, and one
wonders how this issue was reconciled for data analysis. 6. Discontinuing the interview if a woman reported
her induced abortion as spontaneous may be sensitive, but is it ethical? Is that
not a reason to continue the interview to find out if there was any related
morbidity, its nature and severity and the source of health care sought by the
woman? These questions would not only help assess whether the abortion was
'probably' or 'possibly' induced (2), but are important in themselves to assess
women's access to relevant reproductive health services, and to provide or refer
them in case of lack of access. This is particularly important if one considers
the possibility that women who have undergone unsafe induced abortions may be at
high risk of related complications. 7. In observing that some women who had 'in fact'
had an induced abortion chose to report it as 'spontaneous', the authors appear
to have assumed that it is their informants who reported the 'truth', and that
the women did not. The basis of this assumption is not clear. Could it be that
the informants want to be helpful and eager to be of service, and include among
cases those who they only suspect to have had an induced abortion? 8. The article states that when the woman was at
risk of being stigmatised, she was not interviewed at all, unless it was
possible to do so in a clinic setting. In our experience in a rural poor setting
in Tamil Nadu, this is the group least likely to access safe abortion services
in a clinic setting, and most at risk of an 'unsafe' abortion. Was the
researchers' experience in Maharashtra different, and were they able to
interview this group of women in a clinic setting? If yes, could they speculate
on why their setting is different? 9. The use of 'dummy' interviews seems to be an
unsatisfactory strategy to protect the 'case' for several reasons. One, having a
group of interviewers conducting several simultaneous interviews could have been
intimidating for the household concerned. Did all these members give informed
consent to be interviewed? If they did, then using them as dummies amounts to
misleading respondents who so willingly give their time to answer questions, and
appears to be a breach of trust. Two, it must be possible to find other ways of
ensuring privacy even in a rural community, such as finding a room (the balwadi
on a non-working day or in the evening, the panchayat office, etc.) in which
respondents are interviewed in private, one by one. We have done this as part of
several research studies in villages in Tamil Nadu, and wonder what made this
impossible in the researchers' setting. Three, were the considerably higher
costs that this strategy is likely to have entailed justified? And finally, if
the issue was not very sensitive (because it is not sensitive for most married
women and other women were in any case interviewed only in a clinic setting),
why was it even necessary to have dummy clients? 10. There are many instances in the article where
the authors single out qualitative methods as intrusive, potentially
threatening, leading to 'coercive participation' and posing 'complex ethical
dilemmas', implying that quantitative methods can be absolved of these traits.
(Paragraphs 1 and 4 on page 7 and the concluding paragraph on page 8). Or have
we misunderstood their stance? 11. What is the researchers' responsibility towards
those in need of services for abortion-related morbidity? Referring them to a
medical facility may not be meaningful, because women may not be able to access
these for the same reasons that prevented their using these facilities for a
safe abortion in the first place. 12. It would be of value for researchers like
ourselves to learn about the ways in which findings from this study have been
(or will be) utilised to enable equitable access to abortion services for future
abortion seekers. 13. We find the authors' concluding remarks rather
disconcerting. Why strive for an accurate estimate of rates of utilisation or of
morbidity at the cost of participants' dignity and autonomy? Is not this concept
rooted in benign paternalism that assumes 'we know what is good for you (even if
you don't).'? To conclude, we agree with the authors that we
researchers have a responsibility to be up front about the ethical dilemmas we
confront. The questions above have been raised with a view to continue the
debate in the same spirit. References: 1. Ganatra Bela and Hirve Siddhi. A community-based study on induced abortions. Issues in Medical Ethics 2001; 9: 7-8. 3. Belsey M. World Health Organization's studies differentiating between spontaneous and induced abortions. In Methodological issues in abortion research. New York: The Population Council, 1989. TK Sundari Ravindran, Mala
Ramanathan and Shiney C Alex, Achutha MenonCentre for Health Science
Studies, SCTIMST Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram 695 011. Doctors advertising The unspoken background of the debate on the ethics of doctors advertising
(1, 2, 3, 4) is globalisation and how it affects the medical profession,
whether it is their right to advertise, their obligation to provide information,
their opportunity to earn foreign exchange, or their duty to provide care. Any model of development which addresses the task of providing health care
to all must presuppose a social commitment by medical professionals. Why build
hospitals in rural and tribal areas if doctors are going to settle in the West,
or pack themselves in metropolises? Unfortunately, most doctors are driven by
the profit motive. They leave rural areas unattended, confining themselves to a
few cities where their increased density draws them into unhealthy competition -
hence the call for advertising. At the heart of the problem are deep-rooted weaknesses in our culture and
education system. We are made only technically proficient; our education does
not instil in us an ethos by which we live our lives. Nor do we understand the
philosophy and history of the subjects we learn in schools and colleges.
'Specialisation' means technical compartmentalisation of a subject in our minds.
That is why the pursuit of science in our universities and national research and
development institutions has failed to generate great contributors like Raman
and Bose in the latter half of the last century. It seems that even medical
education suffers from this problem. Teachers have failed as a community to
inspire students; they have failed to convince, by setting an example, that
competition amongst doctors by advertisement in any form is unethical. It is true that word of mouth by a doctor is a form of low-key
advertisement. However, when done among patients, their relatives and friends,
it is a fair reflection of a patient's direct experience with the doctor. It is
also a check to doctors' efforts at self-promotion. The power of the electronic medium enables it to reach many more potential
clients than can word of mouth. But without equally available information on
doctors' failure rates, and their patients' evaluations, people looking for
doctors through internet advertisements risk being misled by savvy doctors. Only
if such an electronic check exists, and is provided alongside the ads could
advertisement by doctors be considered fair and ethical. We cannot count on an
alert media to protect patients from incompetent doctors. Dr Malpani equates 'advertising' with 'providing information'. Information
can be provided on the internet without advertisement. Doctors can use the
electronic media to place a mega directory on a website. Software allowing
people to locate a doctor would make information accessible without fancy
advertisements to lure patients. This would take care of Dr Malpani's (3)
objection that word of mouth does not favour younger doctors. The 'grey beards'
who unfairly use their weight against freshers as contended by Mamdani and
Mamdani (4) will lose their grip. Those who support doctors' advertising quote Western codes which permit the
practice (2,3). Jesani has pointed out that the call for advertising in the US
stems from the insecurity of corporate-controlled health care with its own
serious problems (4). Besides, should we equate the Indian and American
situations just because globalisation has forced us into a free market economy?
The American system offers some consumer protection; we are not able to do
this. Dr Malpani refers to 'the demands of changing times', to advocate
advertisements by doctors. Our health care system is not effective beyond urban
limits because doctors have ignored the demands of the times for several
decades. Now, globalisation seems to apply a much needed balm to our pricked
conscience. I would like to cite the example of Baba Amte, a lawyer by profession. He
attended a six-month course in tropical medicine and then established a home for
leprosy patients at Warora, called Anandwan. Cured leprosy patients earn their
living and run the village with a self-confidence that has to be seen to be
believed. Baba Amte's sons and their wives have acquired medical degrees and
devoted their lives to rural and tribal health care, at times against the
government's serious antipathy towards the cause. One son, Dr Prakash Amte, along with his wife Dr Mandakini, has worked
since 1973 amongst the inaccessible Madia Gonds at Hemalkasa, promoted education
and even produced two Madia doctors who have decided to go back to work for the
tribals in the jungles instead of starting clinics in a city or abandoning the
country. Dr Vikas, the elder of the two sons, looks after the growing activities
of Anandwan and several other major projects. The next generation of Amtes has
also committed itself to this development programme. Unfortunately, Dr Vikas and his wife Dr Bharati are hard pressed to find
permanent doctors to help run the hospital at Anandwan, though this beautiful
village is close to the Warora railway station. Unlike the Amtes and their
dedicated teams, scores of urban doctors don't seem to sense that 'the demands
of the changing times' are to serve the rural and tribal populations. They seem
to be eagerly looking forward to the patriotic feat of earning foreign exchange
to eradicate the nation's poverty. References: 1. Pandya S K. Advertising remains unethical even in the digital age. Issues in Medical Ethics 2001; 9: 15. 2.Malpani A. Doctors should be allowed to advertise. Issues in Medical Ethics 2001; 9: 16-17. 3. Mamdani B. and Mamdani M. Ethics of professional advertising. Issues in Medical Ethics 2001; 9:18. 4. Jesani A. Calls for advertising and market reforms in health care. Issues in Medical Ethics 2001; 9: 19. SK Bhattacharjee, Molecular Biology and
agriculture division, Bhabha Atomic Research Centre Mumbai - 400 085. Change is inevitable The practice of medicine has undergone many changes over the years and will
continue to undergo many more changes - in concepts and in practice - in future.
It is, therefore, unrealistic and unfair to expect the medical profession to
accept and adopt all of the ethical principles that were laid down years ago
(1). Modifications must be made by the governing bodies and physicians must
accept the changes. I propose that - as is the practice in the United States - doctors in India
should be allowed to advertise their services. Before I proceed further, let me
make it clear that I would personally not advertise: either because I find it
difficult to totally shake off old, established beliefs or because my own field
(pathology) does not require advertising. However, I would defend the right of
other physicians to advertise. Dr Pandya argues that medical professionals have peer-reviewed journals to
produce their research papers in and thus 'advertise' themselves to their peers.
However, as he himself has pointed out some years ago (2), Indian doctors rarely
publish. Moreover, Sahni et al (3) showed some years ago that only five per cent
of Indian doctors read medical journals. This avenue of spreading information
about oneself is thus blocked for most physicians. The argument has been made that allowing advertising will permit doctors to
make tall claims. The cure, then is to make our medical councils, advertising
agencies, and the Advertising Standards Council of India more accountable.
Preventing advertising because of the existence of misleading advertising is
like banning cricket because of some matches are fixed. The solution is to
prevent the fixing, not the game. Finally, the change in medicine is exemplified by the fact that many
hospitals, especially the private or corporate ones, have marketing departments.
There have even been suggestions that the word 'patient' be replaced by 'client'
or 'customer' (4). But this much is clear: change is inevitable. In an age when patients are
considered to be consumers and when doctors can be sued for poor services,
surely it is incorrect not to allow doctors to advertise. The same rules have to
apply to all the players of the game. References 1. Pandya SK. Advertising remains unethical even in the digital age. Issues in Medical Ethics 2001; 9: 15. 2. Pandya SK: Letter from Bombay: Why is the output of science from India low? BMJ 1991; 301: 333. 3. Sahni P et al. Indian medical journals. The Lancet 1992;39:1589-91. 4. What's in a name? The Lancet (Editorial). 2000, 356: 2111. Sanjay A Pai,Consultant Pathologist, Manipal
Hospital, Airport Road, Bangalore |
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